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Dicari: Tanah Kosong

Image: Anang Saptoto


“Sasirnaning teja kasilak pelataran jembar tanpa aran tanpa tetuwuhan. Kebon Suwung. Ana bocah lanang methik kembang. Terus dibuwang. Methik maneh. Dibuwang maneh. Tekan sore. Banjur lunga mangetan. Banjur ana bocah wadon teka. Tawang-tawang tangis weruh larahan kembang. Nuli jengkeng njumuki siji mbaka siji. Ditata sandhuwuring pager bata.” (Gunawan Maryanto, 2005., Bon Suwung)

The voids of the city are spaces which disrupt the urban tissue, leaving it incomplete and throw into question the use of those spaces. Sometimes called urban ruins, they are at the limit between private and public space, without belonging either to the one or to the other. Urban voids are containers of memory, fragments of the built city and the \’natural\’ environment; memories of the city which constitute a random, unplanned garden.” (Noll dan Scupelli, 2009,

“Terrain vague are the ‘[u]nincorporated margins, interior islands void of activity, oversights… simply un-inhabited, un-safe, un-productive. In short, they are foreign to the urban system, mentally exterior in the physical interior of the city…” (Rubio dalam Fielding, 2002)

Di atas adalah beberapa kutipan yang membicarakan tanah kosong. Tanah kosong, wasteland, terrain vague, bon suwung adalah nama yang kita berikan pada sebidang teritori yang saat ini “belum mengalami transformasi kapital maupun politis..”(Schaik dalam Fielding,2002). Dalam konteks perkotaan, tanah kosong mengisi peran penting dalam sebagai lahan hijau yang penyimpan zat karbon, daerah resapan air, dan merepresentasikan sebuah ruang terbuka yang bebas dari aktivitas manusia dan tuntutan produktivitas industrial yang mendominasi pemandangan kota. Merujuknya dalam konteks lokal kota Yogyakarta, tanah kosong memiliki aspek fisik yang khas, yang berbeda sekaligus punya beberapa singgungan dengan gagasan-gagasan yang membuka tulisan ini.

Secara visual, kondisi umum lahan ini berpagar dan tidak dapat diakses untuk umum, tetapi semakin mengarah ke pinggiran kota semakin sedikit dari mereka yang dibangun pagar di sekitarnya. Beberapa orang menggunakannya sebagai lahan garapan berskala kecil, biasanya dilakukan oleh masyarakat setempat dengan izin pemilik, dengan kontrol sukarela atas tanah oleh petani sebagai bentuk imbal balik. Sementara itu fungsi lain juga dilekatkan pada sepetak tanah ini, terutama untuk lapangan olahraga (biasanya sekitar pagi atau sore), atau usaha kecil seperti membuka warung (terutama di malam hari) atau pasar tanaman, seperti yang kerap dijumpai di wilayah tengah kota. Acara berkala juga diadakan di sini, mulai dari sirkus keliling, acara RT/RW seperti peringatan 17 Agustusan, parkir sementara sampai menjadi pasar kambing menjelang perayaan hari raya kurban dan lapangan pembantaian pada hari-H nya. Semua kegiatan tersebut bisa berlangsung secara bergiliran, kadang bersamaan.

Pemahaman yang berkembang selama ini di seputar tanah kosong adalah ia merupakan wilayah yang dibingkai secara temporal dalam konteks penggunaan masa depan, atau singkatnya sebagai bentuk investasi. Pada waktu saya bertanya tentang tanah kosong, misalnya, jawaban yang diberikan umumnya akan berbunyi,”Wah mau beli tanah ya?” Lahan kosong tidak pernah benar-benar kosong dari makna karena ekspetasi pemilikan selalu sedang mengisi sebidang tanah yang ada. Penekanan tentang nilai pemilikan ini menggemakan sejarah feodalisme di Nusantara di zaman kolonial, di mana pemilikan tanah menandai status sosial ekonomi dan acapkali menjadi sumber konflik, baik yang sifatnya horisontal maupun vertikal. Isu pemilikan tanah juga punya nuansa religius ketika dikaitkan dengan sistem pengaturan hak waris dalam Islam, maupun dalam konteks warisan pada umumnya.

Ada banyak peraturan dan perubahan peraturan mengenai status tanah kosong di Indonesia, dan dapat ditelusuri rujukannya sampai ke masa kolonial.  Di mata hukum, ia menjadi subyek bagi penertiban dan pendayagunaan dalam posisi dan fungsinya bagi negara, swasta maupun komunitas adat (atau yang dikenal sebagai ulayat). Tanah kosong yang dikenal sebagai lahan terlantar dan pengaturannya, berkelindan dalam lapis-lapis birokrasi yang berbeda, mulai dari bidang agraria dan pertanahan, otonomi lokal dan perencanaan tata kota. Poin terakhir ini baru tatapan sekilas atas kerumitan yang membentuk posisi formal tamah kosong di Indonesia. Ketimbang menguraikannya secara lengkap di sini, saya hendak menggambarkan implikasi kerumitan ini pada status tanah kosong di kota, praktik yang berlangsung di dalamnya dan kaitannya pada politik lokal kota Yogyakarta, sebagai berikut:

1. Ketika pemilikan formal bertemu dengan pendudukan gerilya:

Tingkat perkembangan kota juga dapat ditelusuri melalui bentuk-bentuk pendudukan tanah terlantar. Di kota-kota metropolitan seperti Jakarta, Bandung dan Surabaya, tanah kosong (dipagari maupun tidak) semakin berkembang menjadi arena kucing-kucingan antara penghuni liar dan pemilik lahan/pamong praja. Rumah sementara di tanah-tanah kosong ini berdiri di satu hari, hilang di hari berikutnya, untuk kemudian berdiri lagi di hari yang lain. Selain dari penggunaan plang dan pagar dalam beberapa kasus untuk menunjukkan kuasa pemilikan, si pemilik tanah memberikan kebebasan terbatas pada penghuni liar untuk membangun rumah dalam jangka waktu yang tidak ditentukan. Bahkan di banyak kasus, penghuni liar dibiarkan untuk membangun rumah-rumah semi permanen sebagai strategi mengakali nilai tanah di mana kontrol yang tidak terlihat menjadi bagian dari pengalaman sehari-hari para penghuninya.

2. Posisi tanah kosong dalam konteks Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta

Meskipun Undang-Undang Agraria yang menyatakan bahwa semua tanah dikuasai oleh negara sudah diberlakukan sejak tahun 1960 di seluruh Indonesia, di mana Yogyakarta termasuk di dalamnya, pada praktiknya terjadi dualitas hukum ketika di daerah ini juga berlaku Rijksblad Kesultanan 1918 No.16 jo 1925 No.23, serta Rijksblad 1918 No.18 jo Rijksblad 1925 No.25. yang menyatakan semua tanah yang ada di wilayah Yogyakarta adalah milik Sultan dan Pakualaman. Atau yang biasa disebut dengan tanah kraton (Sultan Grounds dan Pakualaman Grounds). Dalam bingkai ini, tanah kosong juga mengisi pokok perdebatan yang menarik karena di luar aspek fisiknya, ia juga menjadi situs penting yang memberlangsungkan ambiguitas hukum, pertarungan kepentingan serta negosiasi politik yang berpijak pada temporalitas sejarah dan spasialitas budaya

3. Arena Bermain Hantu-hantu Kesepian

Tanah kosong juga terjahit dalam narasi-narasi legenda urban, sebagai tempat “jin buang anak” berikut fungsinya sebagai tempat nongkrong kuntilanak, genderuwo, tuyul dan sebagainya, ritual-ritual pengusiran roh dilakukan menjelang “diisinya” ruang tersebut dengan bangunan, sampai ke desas-desus tentang fungsinya sebagai kuburan tersembunyi untuk korban-korban pembunuhan, dan juga binatang peliharaan yang mati. Poin ketiga ini dapat dibaca dalam tautannya dengan konflik kepemilikan yang tak kasat mata serta kerumitan birokrasi yang melapisinya. Di sisi lain kekosongan yang ramai dengan hantu ini juga hadir sebagai salah satu pengawet ingatan tentang kota, tentang ruang-ruang yang dijaga dari sentuhan pembangunan dan modernitas. Dengan kata lain,  tanah kosong menjadi tempat bertemu antara masa lalu, masa kini dan masa depan di mana hantu-hantu penghuninya hadir sebagai, mengutip AbdouMaleq Simone (2012), sesuatu yang mengingatkan warga bahwa kemungkinan dan pengalaman tertentu belumlah usai.

Pokok-pokok persoalan di atas merupakan beberapa temuan awal ketika fokus pada fenomena tanah kosong di kota dilakukan. Ia menjadi pintu masuk bagi pemahaman yang lebih kaya dan mendalam mengenai kondisi ruang yang selama ini diterima begitu saja sebagai pemandangan kota pada umumnya, yang sepi dan miskin makna.


Fielding, Kate.2002. “Visiting the terrain vague – an exploration of the old burwood brickworks”, esai yang tidak dipublikasikan.

Simone, AbdouMaleq.2012. “Hantu-hantu Tebet”.